Topic:

 

I've decided to research migration. More specifically, the history and politics of migration between Mexico and the United States and the economic reasons that drive thousands of migrants to the U.S. each day.

 

Research statement & question:

 

I am studying the migration process from Mexico to the United States because I want to find out the common motives behind migration and the ways in which Mexican citizens are migrating in order to better understand the problems/issues that cause Mexican citizens to migrate to the U.S. and the issues with current migration policies.

 

I need to research past and current migration policy in Mexico and the United States. I also need to research past and current economic, social, and political issues in both countries. Lastly, I need to hear people's migration stories firsthand and talk with them about the problems they were experiencing in Mexico before choosing to migrate.  

 

Background Information:

 

My research of the history of U.S.-Mexico relations and immigration policy:

 

            The United States and Mexico have had a tense relationship since Mexico’s independence from Spain in 1821 with the Treaty of Cordoba.  The root of the struggle began with disputes about land ownership of what was then northern Mexico and the rapid influx of American settlers in the soverign state of Tejas, which today is the U.S. state of Texas. The immigration of Americans to Tejas in the 1830s led to escalating tensions, many battles, and eventually the Mexican American War. Migration was the root of the first dispute between the United States and Mexico and continues to be the main dispute. The prevalance of issues surrounding immigration and land continue to affect U.S. – Mexico relations and raise questions about the politics of immigration.

     After Mexico gained independence from Spain, the newly formed government liberalized immigration laws for the region and encouraged Americans to settle in Tejas, as it was sparsely populated. Soon, American citizens vastly outnumbered Mexicans in this region.  President Anastasio Bustamente implemented a prohibition against further immigration to the Tejas region from the United States and rescinded the property tax law that formerly made U.S. immigrants exempt from paying property taxes for ten years. Along with these changes, was the prohibition of slavery and an increase of tarrifs on goods shipped from the United States.

     During this time, cotton was in high demand throughout Europe. Also during this time there was a sufficient amount of land in Tejas used for growing cotton, however, it was a labor intensive process and was only profitable with the use of slave labor. Although slaves were outlawed in Tejas, many of the American immigrants in Tejas ignored the slavery laws and regulations as well as the other regulations. By 1834 it was estimated that there were almost four times as many U.S. citizens in Tejas than Mexican-born citizens and with the controversial differences between the American immigrants and the Mexican-born citizens, tensions began to escalate. Although many laws and regulations were implemented by the President  in an attempt to combat the growing tensions, the laws were often ignored and tensions continued to escalate.

     Texians became unhappy with the location of the state capital ,which moved between Saltillo and Monclova, 500 miles away in souther Coahuila, and wanted Tejas to be separate from Coahuila. Also, the laws of Tejas differed greatly from the views of Americans and American laws. For example, Mexico required colonists to pledge their devotion to Roman Catholicism, but the majority of American immigrants were Protestant. The significant differences between federalism and centralized government created tension and violence within Mexico.

     As a result of increasing troubles within the Mexican government, President Antonio López de Santa Anna replaced the federal constitution of 1824 with the “Siete Leyes” of 1835 which introducted less-popular, more centralist and conservative ideas and was meant to strength the federal government of Mexico during the time of conflict with Mexican independence. However, the attempt was unsuccessful and unpopular among Mexican-born citizens. The Texas War of Independence began as a result of the escalating conflicts between American settles and Mexican-born citizens in the regions of Tejas and Coahuila and lasted from October 2, 1835 to April 21, 1836.

 

     In 1836, Santa Anna was taken prisoner by U.S. forces and was forced to sign a treaty which declared Texas independent. In 1845, Texas became a part of the United States, causing Mexico to break diplomatic relations with the U.S. President James Polk then offered to purchase Califonia and New Mexico from Mexico but with the Rio Grande as the border which would also make Texas a part of the United States. The offer was refused and the escalating conflict and irreconcilable differences in beliefs and politics eventually led to the Mexican-American War.

     The Texian Army took victory by seizing Mexico City which led to the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo on February 2, 1848. The treaty required that Mexico cede present-day Arizona, California, New Mexico, and parts of Colorado and Nevada to the United States in exchange for $15 million. Also, the treaty states that the Mexican national living in the U.S. would have civil rights and property protection. After this treaty, the Rio Grande was then considered the national border between the two countries and Texas became a part of the United States. The Mexican American War was driven by the concept of manifest destiny which was an American belief that the United States was destined to expand the country’s borders.  This belief was used as justification for the Mexican-American War of 1846.

     This agreement was finalized in 1853 with the Gadsden Purchase. For $10 million, President Franklin Pierce purchased land along the Mesilla valley, which ran from California to El Paso, planning to use the land to build a railroad. This purchase, finalized by U.S. President Franklin Pierce and the American ambassador to Mexico, James Gadsden, resolved the border disputes during this time. However, more than 150 years later, the main issues affecting U.S.-Mexico relations are the politics surrounding the border and immigration policy.

     In the United States in 1882, after the Chinese Exclusion Act, which suspended Chinese immigration to the United States, labor shortages were prevalent. This prompted U.S. railway companies to recruit Mexicans to come to the United States and work on the railroads. During the early 1900s more than 60 percent of the railway labor force in American consisted of Mexican workers.

     In the early 1900s, during the Mexican Revolution, many Mexicans headed north to escape the social, political, and economic chaos and search for work. Small landowners and farmworkers were losing jobs and accumulating debt as a result of expanding haciendas. At this time the United States offered many jobs in mining, industry, agriculture and railroad construction and wages were sufficiently higher than those in Mexico.

     In Mexico in the 19^th century, much of Mexico’s population worked on communal land. But in 1880, when Portfirio Díaz became President of Mexico, he sold much of this communal land to large development companies, which forced the campesinos to work low wage jobs. Also during this was during the time period of drastic inflation on basic food items as well as a labor surplus. In 1909, President Portfirio Díaz and U.S. President William H. Taft signed an agreement to allow 1,000 Mexicans to work in the U.S. in the sugar beet fields, as this crop was of vital importance at the time and there was a labor surplus in Mexico and an inadequate number of jobs.

     Between 1910 and 1920, during the Mexican Revolution, chaos drove thousands more from Mexico as well as the fact that the United States was in the midst of an agricultural boom in southern and southwestern states such as California, New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas. Laws and regulations regarding immigration had not been extremely strict up to this point, but the United States became even more willing to allow migrant workers into the U.S. when the country entered World War 1 in 1917 and millions of young, working men were sent over seas, leaving the workforce. This same year the Burnett Law was enacted which required that in order for immigrants to enter the U.S. they must be at least 16 years of age, be literate, and pay $8. However, the majority of immigrants were migrant workers from Mexico who often could not fulfill the literacy requirement or pay the $8 fee. However, in May 1917 an exception was given to workers who has been temporarily working in the U.S. and had solely worked in the agricultural sector. This exception allowed migrant workers to return to the U.S. and work.

     In 1927, according to the Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration of the United States, there were only 100,000 illegal Mexican immigrants in the U.S. in 1900 but the number rose to nearly 1,000,000 by 1927 with the majority of them working and residing in California and Texas.

     In the United States in 1929, during the Great Depression, views of migrant workers began to change and they were viewed more as a threat than a source of cheap labor. During this time, many Mexicans returned home or were deported.

     In 1942, the Bracero Program began because many agricultural workers believed that World War II would cause labor shortages in the agriculture sector. This program allowed more than 4.6 million individuals to migrate for work between 1942 and 1964. The Bracero Program was controversial for reasons similar to those addressed in the politics of Mexican migration to the U.S. today. American workers were afraid of the competition for jobs as a result of the influx of Mexican workers who were willing to work for lower wages. However, there were safeguards that were enacted in order to protect both parties. For example, the migrant workers were guaranteed payment of the prevailing wage of the native workers in the area in which they were employed. Also, among many other things, occupational insurance at employer's expense was offered as well as free transportation back to Mexico at the end of the contract. Employers were only supposed to hire braceros in areas that had been certified to have a domestic labor shortage in order to prevent a surplus of workers in areas that did not have labor shortages and also to ensure that the agricultural sector would receive enough labor.

     Although many rules and regulations were enacted to prevent exploitation of either party, in the early 1950s farm wages dropped sharply as a result of the rapid increase of undocumented farm workers. Many American farm workers were unhappy with the program and felt they were losing work and money as a result of the migrant workers.

     The amount of Mexican workers who desired to work in the U.S. outnumbered the amount of workers allowed under the Bracero Program. Also, the Mexican government only allowed Mexicans to migrate if they lived in a region with high unemployment as a result of job scarcity. They also had to be at least 14, meet certain health requirements, and have had experience in the agricultural sector. Similar to the present-day process of obtaining a visa as a Mexican citizen, securing a Bracero contract was complicated and expensive. Traveling to official recruitment centers was necessary to secure a contract and the centers were often far away. The cost as well as the difficult process of obtaining a Bracero contract led many to head north illegally. Many of the migrants also noticed a loophole in the process. If the U.S. Border Patrol caught migrants who entered the U.S. illegally and worked on a farm, they could secure a contract from the U.S. officials. After the end of World War II, the Bracero Program remained intact but the amount of contracts available was greatly reduced. However, this didn’t reduce the amount of Mexican migrants who migrated north for work.

     The program eventually ended in 1965 after significant political opposition that had developed over time in the U.S. and in Mexico and also because of changed in agricultural production. In Mexico the program was often viewed as an important tool in reducing poverty in Mexico but in the United States the program was opposed by many organized laborers because they believed that the influx of migrant workers lowered wages and job availability. Many braceros themselves had mixed feelings about the program because they experienced abuse and discrimination and were referred to as “wetbacks” by many Americans who opposed the program or their presence in the U.S.

     In the early 1950s, both the Mexican and the U.S. governments wanted deportation of the undocumented migrant workers from the U.S. New laws were enacted in the U.S. regarding border patrolling, preventing more illegal entries, and arresting and deporting undocumented migrants. This campaign became popular in 1954 with Operation Wetback. The Border Patrol began deporting undocumented migrants and had deported approximately 1,000,000 by the end of that same year. Many growers in the United States were unhappy with this operation because they relied on these workers for production of their crops, rather than workers from the Bracero Program.

            In 1965, the Immigration Act, signed by President Lyndon Johnson, abolished the national origins quota system but set a limit of 120,000 people of who were allowed to enter the U.S. from the western hemisphere per year. It established allocations of immigrant visas on a first come, first serve basis, with a few exceptions. However, in Mexico during this time period many crises arose, causing many to continue to head north regardless of the new restrictions.

     In 1986, Congress passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act in a hope to control illegal immigration in the United States. This act legalized aliens who had resided in the U.S. since January 1, 1982, penalized employers who hired, recruited or referred illegal aliens in the U.S., provided for legalization of certain temporary, migrant agricultural workers, and established a visa waiver pilot program which allowed certain nonimmigrants into the U.S. without visas. This law was passed in an attempt to control undocumented immigration to the United States. Security at the border increased with more guards and patrols, hoping to catch undocumented migrants crossing the border. However, during this time period, the United States was experiencing a period of expansion. Unemployment was prevalent which further prompted Mexicans to migrate north for work and higher wages.

     In November 1994, California passed Proposition 187. This was an attempt to end illegal immigration in the state by denying education and public service benefits to undocumented migrants, however, much of it was later found to be unconstitutional.

     Since the early 1900’s, Congress has continued to pass laws and restrictions relating to immigration, undocumented migrants, and migrants who live and work in the U.S. However, the amount of Mexican migrants in the U.S. continues to fluctuate depending on factors in both countries such as unemployment, political instability, labor surpluses, and others.

 

                                 

     Although immigration reform is a hot topic in the news today and in the politics of the upcoming U.S. election, studies have shown a decline in Mexican migration to the U.S. According to Border Patrol apprehension figures, immigration from Mexico to the U.S. has slowed at least 40 percent since 2005 and at least one million Mexicans left for the U.S. in 2006 but approximately 636,000 of them returned home within a 12-month period.  According to a 2011 study by the Pew Hispanic Center, the number of Mexicans leaving annually to the U.S. from Mexico has declined from one million to 404,000 in four years.

     As history has shown, and as many studies and statistics show today, immigration patterns fluctuate and change over time depending on various economic, social, and political factors in both countries. However, while the United States economy continues to fail, immigration will remain a popular topic among politicians and candidates as migrant workers are commonly blamed for job shortages.

     In 2001, the DREAM Act was proposed, but not enacted. This act would give a six-year temporary residency to illegal aliens who came to the U.S. as minors, graduated from US high schools, lived in the U.S. for five continuous years prior to the bills enactment, and who would complete two years in the military or four years in college. These people would then qualify for permanent residency depending on their achievments in college or in the military. This bill underwent many changes and became controversial among many Republicans in America who believed it would encourage illegal immigration or become a system of importing cheap labor or recruiting military personnel. Many others believed it to be unfair for illegal aliens to receive federal and state subsidies to attend college when American citizens must pay full tuition. Recently in the media, Obama has received criticism for having not enacted this bill into law but, on the other hand, has received criticism for being “soft” when it comes to immigration policy. 

     Generally, Republican politicians receive criticism for speaking of Mexican migration in the U.S. as a problem to be solved by constructing stronger borders, creating more patrols, minimizing incentives for Mexicans to migrate, and lack of benefits for those who currently illegally reside in the U.S. Democrats have received criticism for incentivizing Mexicans to migrate by providing illegals with benefits similar to those of American citizens. The politics of immigration have significantly become more controversial over the last few decades and the topic of immigration has become more prevalent today among politicians. As the U.S. economy continues to suffer, Americans continue to search for the culprit of the downfall, in hopes that blaming the culprit will lead to problem solving and ultimately will repair the economy. However, until the root cause is solved, until the politics, economics, and social welfare of both countries improves, problems and controversies with immigration will continue.

 

El ensayo en Español ...

 

     Los Estados Unidos y México han tenido una relación tensa desde la independencia de México de España en 1821 con el Tratado de Córdoba. La raíz de la lucha se inició con las disputas sobre propiedad de la tierra de lo que entonces era el norte de México y la rápida afluencia de colonos americanos en el estado de Tejas que hoy en día es el estado de Texas en los Estados Unidos. La inmigración de los estadounidenses a Tejas, en la década de 1830, llevó a una escalada de tensiones, muchas batallas y, finalmente, la Guerra México-Americana. La migración ha sido la raíz de la primera disputa entre Estados Unidos y México, y sigue siendo el principal punto en disputa. La prevalencia de cuestiones relacionadas con la inmigración y la tierra siguen afectando a las relaciones entre México y los Estados Unidos y siguen planteando preguntas sobre la política de inmigración.

     Después de que México se independizó de España, el nuevo gobierno liberalizó las leyes de inmigración para la región y alentó a los estadounidenses a establecerse en Tejas, ya que estaba escasamente poblado. Pronto, los ciudadanos estadounidenses superaban a los mexicanos en esta región. El presidente Anastasio Bustamante implementado una prohibición contra la inmigración a la región de Tejas de los Estados Unidos y dejó la ley de impuesto a la propiedad que anteriormente hizo que los inmigrantes en Estados Unidos estaban exentos de pagar impuestos a la propiedad por diez años. Junto con estos cambios, fue la prohibición de la esclavitud y un aumento de tarrifs sobre las mercancías enviadas de los Estados Unidos.

     Durante este tiempo, el algodón era una gran demanda en toda Europa. También durante este tiempo no había una cantidad suficiente de tierra en Tejas que estaba utilizado para el cultivo de algodón, sin embargo, fue un proceso intensivo de mano de obra y sólo era rentable con el uso de mano de obra esclava. Aunque los esclavos fueron proscritos en Tejas, muchos de los inmigrantes latinoamericanos en Tejas ignoraron de las leyes y reglamentos de la esclavitud, así como otras leyes.

     En 1834 se estimaba que había casi cuatro veces más que los ciudadanos de Estados Unidos en Tejas que los ciudadanos nacidos en México y con las diferencias y controversias entre los inmigrantes y los ciudadanos estadounidenses nacidos en México, las tensiones comenzaron a aumentar. Aunque muchas leyes y reglamentos se llevaron a cabo por el Presidente en un intento por combatir las crecientes tensiones, las leyes fueron ignoradas con frecuencia y las tensiones siguieron aumentando.

     Texanos estaba descontento con la ubicación de la capital del estado, que se movió entre Saltillo y Monclova, a 500 kilómetros de distancia en el Sur de Coahuila y Tejas quería estar separado de Coahuila. Además, las leyes de Tejas difería mucho de las opiniones de los estadounidenses y las leyes estadounidenses. Por ejemplo, México requiería que los colonos se comprometen su devoción al catolicismo romano, pero la mayoría de los inmigrantes latinoamericanos eran protestantes. Las diferencias significativas entre el federalismo y el gobierno central creó la tensión y la violencia en México.

     Como resultado de los problemas cada vez mayores dentro del gobierno mexicano, el presidente Antonio López de Santa Anna, sustituyó a la constitución federal de 1824 con el "Siete Leyes" de 1835, que presentó, menos populares, las ideas más centralista y conservador, y estaba destinado a la fuerza del gobierno federal de México durante la época del conflicto con la independencia de México. Sin embargo, el intento no tuvo éxito y popularidad entre los ciudadanos nacidos en México. La Guerra de Independencia de Texas que comenzó como una consecuencia de los conflictos crecientes entre América se asienta y los ciudadanos nacidos en México en las regiones de Tejas y Coahuila, y duró desde el 2 de octubre 1835 a 21 de abril 1836.

     En 1836, Santa Anna fue hecho prisionero por las fuerzas de los Estados Unidos y se vio obligado a firmar un tratado de Texas que se declaró independiente. En 1845, Texas se convirtió en una parte de los Estados Unidos, provocando que México rompe las relaciones diplomáticas con el presidente de los Estados Unidos, James Polk , y después ofreció a comprar California y Nuevo México, de México, pero con el Río Grande como la frontera y con Texas como un parte de los Estados Unidos. La oferta fue rechazada y la escalada del conflicto y las diferencias irreconciliables en las creencias y la política condujo a la guerra mexicano-americana.

     El ejército texana se llevó la victoria al apoderarse de la ciudad de México que llevó a la firma del Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo el 2 de febrero de 1848. El tratado requiere que México cede la actual Arizona, California, Nuevo México, y partes de Colorado y Nevada, a los Estados Unidos a cambio de $ 15 millones. Además, el Tratado establece que los mexicanos nacionales en los Estados Unidos tendrían derechos civiles y la protección de la propiedad. Después de este tratado, el Río Grande se consideraba la frontera nacional entre los dos países y Texas se convirtió en una parte de los Estados Unidos. La Guerra Mexicana-Americana fue impulsado por el concepto del destino manifiesto, que era una creencia estadounidense de que los Estados Unidos estaba destinado a ampliar las fronteras del país. Esta creencia fue utilizada como justificación para la Guerra Mexicana-Americana de 1846.

     Este acuerdo se concluyó en 1853 con la compra de Gadsden. Por $ 10 millones, el presidente Franklin Pierce compró la tierra a lo largo del Valle de Mesilla, que contenía la tierra de California hasta El Paso, con un plan de usar del terreno para construir un ferrocarril. Esta compra, finalizado por el presidente de los Estados Unidos, Franklin Pierce, y el embajador estadounidense en México, James Gadsden, resolvió las disputas fronterizas durante este tiempo. Sin embargo, más de 150 años más tarde, las principales cuestiones que afectan a las relaciones entre México y los Estados Unidos son las políticas de la frontera y las políticas de la inmigración.

            En los Estados Unidos en 1882, después de la Ley de Exclusión China, que suspendió la inmigración de china a los Estados Unidos, la falta de mano de obra era frecuente. Esto llevó que las empresas ferroviarias de Estados Unidos reclutan a los mexicanos para venir a los Estados Unidos y trabajar en los ferrocarriles. Durante el año 1900, más del 60 por ciento de la mano de obra ferroviaria en los Estados Unidos consistió de los trabajadores mexicanos.

     En el año 1900, durante la Revolución Mexicana, muchos mexicanos fueron el norte para buscar trabajo y para escapar del desorden social, político y económico. Los pequeños propietarios y trabajadores agrícolas fueron perdiendo puestos de trabajo y fueron acumulando la deuda como resultado de la expansión de las haciendas. En este momento los Estados Unidos ofreció muchos puestos de trabajo en la minería, la industria, la agricultura y la construcción de ferrocarriles y los salarios eran suficientemente más altos que los en México.

     En México en el siglo 19, gran parte de la población de México trabajó en las tierras comunales. Sin embargo, en 1880, cuando Porfirio Díaz se convirtió en Presidente de México, vendió gran parte de esta tierra comunal a las empresas de desarrollo grandes, lo que obligó a los campesinos a trabajar en un empleo de bajos salarios. También durante este período de tiempo fue la inflación drástico en los productos alimenticios básicos, así como un excedente de mano de obra. En 1909, el presidente, Porfirio Díaz, y el presidente de los Estados Unidos, William H. Taft, firmaron un acuerdo para permitir que 1.000 mexicanos trabajar en los Estados Unidos en los campos de remolacha azucarera, ya que este cultivo estaba de vital importancia en el momento y había un excedente de mano de obra en México y un número insuficiente de puestos de trabajo.

     Entre 1910 y 1920, durante la Revolución Mexicana, el caos obligó que miles más personas salen de México. También los Estados Unidos estaba en medio de un auge agrícola en el sur y suroeste de los Estados, como California, Nuevo México, Arizona y Texas.

     Las leyes y reglamentos en materia de inmigración no había sido muy estricta a este punto, pero los Estados Unidos se volvió más dispuesto a permitir que los trabajadores migrantes entren en los Estados Unidos cuando el país entró en la primera guerra mundial en 1917 y millones de jóvenes fueron enviados a través de los mares , dejando la fuerza laboral. Este mismo año la Ley de Burnett fue promulgada el cual requiere que para que los inmigrantes para entrar en los Estados Unidos, tienen que tener al menos 16 años de edad, saber leer y escribir, y pagar $ 8. Sin embargo, la mayoría de los inmigrantes eran trabajadores migrantes de México, que a menudo no podían cumplir con el requisito de alfabetización o de pagar la cuota de $ 8. Sin embargo, en mayo de 1917, una excepción se ha dado a los trabajadores que habían sido temporalmente de trabajo en los Estados Unidos y había trabajado exclusivamente en el sector agrícola. Esta excepción permitía a los trabajadores migrantes a regresar a los Estados Unidos para el trabajo.

     En 1927, según el Informe Anual de la Comisaría General de Inmigración de los Estados Unidos, sólo había 100.000 inmigrantes ilegales mexicanos en los Estados Unidos en 1900, pero el número aumentó a casi 1.000.000 en 1927 con la mayoría de ellos trabaja y reside en California y Texas.

En los Estados Unidos en 1929, durante la Gran Depresión, las opiniones de los trabajadores migrantes comenzaron a cambiar y se les ve más como una amenaza que como una fuente de mano de obra barata. Durante este tiempo, muchos mexicanos regresó a su casa o fueron deportados.

     En 1942, el Programa Bracero se inició porque muchos trabajadores agrícolas creían que la Segunda Guerra Mundial podría causar una falta de mano de obra en el sector de la agricultura. Este programa permitió que más de 4,6 millones de personas a emigrar en busca de trabajo entre 1942 y 1964. El Programa Bracero fue controvertida por razones similares a las examinadas en la política de la migración de México a los Estados Unidos. Los trabajadores estadounidenses tenían miedo de la competencia por los puestos de trabajo como consecuencia de la afluencia de trabajadores mexicanos que estaban dispuestos a trabajar por salarios más bajos.

     Sin embargo, había garantías de que fueron promulgadas con el fin de proteger a ambas partes. Por ejemplo, los trabajadores migrantes se les garantizaba el pago del salario prevaleciente de los trabajadores nativos de la zona en la que estaban empleados. Además, entre muchas otras cosas, el seguro de trabajo a cargo del empleador se le ofreció, así como el transporte gratuito de vuelta a México al final del contrato. Los empleadores se suponía que sólo contratar a los braceros en las áreas que han sido certificadas para tener una falta de mano de obra nacional a fin de evitar que un exceso de trabajadores en áreas que no contaban con la escasez de mano de obra y también para asegurar que el sector agropecuario recibiría la mano de obra suficiente.

     Aunque muchas reglas y regulaciones fueron promulgadas para impedir la explotación de cualquiera de las partes, en los salarios agrícolas principios de 1950 se redujo drásticamente como resultado del rápido aumento de los trabajadores agrícolas indocumentados. Muchos trabajadores agrícolas estadounidenses estaban descontentos con el programa y sentían que estaban perdiendo trabajo y dinero como resultado de los trabajadores migrantes.

     La cantidad de trabajadores mexicanos que deseaban trabajar en los Estados Unidos superaban en número a la cantidad de trabajadores que pueden acogerse al Programa Bracero. Además, el gobierno mexicano sólo se permite a los mexicanos a migrar si vivían en una región con alta tasa de desempleo como consecuencia de la falta de trabajo. También tenían que tener al menos de 14 años, cumplir con requisitos de salud, y han tenido experiencia en el sector agrícola. Al igual que en el proceso actual de obtención de un visado como un ciudadano mexicano, conseguir un contrato Bracero era complicado y caro. Viajar a centros de reclutamiento oficiales era necesaria para asegurar un contrato y los centros eran a menudo muy lejos. El costo, así como el difícil proceso de la obtención de un contrato de Bracero llevó a muchos a dirigirse hacia el norte de manera ilegal. Muchos de los inmigrantes también se notó un vacío en el proceso. Si la Patrulla Fronteriza de los Estados Unidos capturado inmigrantes que entraron ilegalmente en los Estados Unidos y trabajó en una granja, que podría conseguir un contrato de los funcionarios de Estados Unidos. Después del final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el Programa Bracero se mantuvo intacta, pero la cantidad de contratos disponibles se redujo considerablemente. Sin embargo, esto no redujo la cantidad de migrantes mexicanos que emigraron al norte para trabajar.

     El programa terminó en 1965 después de una significativa oposición política que se había desarrollado con el tiempo en los Estados Unidos y en México y también a causa de un cambio en la producción agrícola. En México, el programa fue visto a menudo como una herramienta importante en la reducción de la pobreza en México sino en Estados Unidos, el programa fue la oposición de muchos trabajadores organizados, porque creían que la afluencia de trabajadores migrantes reduce los salarios y la disponibilidad de trabajo. Muchos braceros sí tenía sentimientos encontrados sobre el programa, ya que experimentaron abuso y la discriminación y se les conoce como "espaldas mojadas" de muchos estadounidenses que se oponían al programa o su presencia en los Estados Unidos.

     En la década de 1950, tanto el mexicano y los gobiernos de Estados Unidos quería que la deportación de los trabajadores migrantes indocumentados de las nuevas leyes de Estados Unidos se promulgaron en los Estados Unidos en relación con el patrullaje de fronteras, la prevención de entradas ilegales más, y detener y deportar a inmigrantes indocumentados. Esta campaña se hizo popular en 1954 con la Operación Espalda Mojada. La Patrulla Fronteriza comenzó a deportar a los migrantes indocumentados y deportados había aproximadamente 1.000.000 a finales de ese mismo año. Muchos agricultores en los Estados Unidos no estaban contentos con esta operación debido a que dependen de estos trabajadores para la producción de sus cultivos, en lugar de los trabajadores del Programa Bracero.

     En 1965, la Ley de Inmigración, firmado por el presidente Lyndon Johnson, abolió el sistema de orígenes nacionales cuota, pero establece un límite de 120.000 personas de las que se permitió entrar a los Estados Unidos desde el hemisferio occidental por año. Se estableció la asignación de visas de inmigrante en un primer llegado, primer servido base, con algunas excepciones. Sin embargo, en México durante este periodo de tiempo surgieron muchas crisis, haciendo que muchos continúan hacia el norte, independientemente de las nuevas restricciones.

     En 1986, el Congreso aprobó la ley Immigration Reform and Control en una esperanza para controlar la inmigración ilegal en los Estados Unidos. Este acto legalizado los extranjeros que hubieran residido en los Estados Unidos desde 1 de enero de 1982, penalizó a los empleadores quien contrataron, reclutaron o se refieren a extranjeros ilegales en los Estados Unidos, siempre y cuando para la legalización de ciertos trabajadores agrícolas temporales, migrantes, y se establecieron una exención de visado programa piloto que permitía a no inmigrantes determinadas en los Estados Unidos sin visa. Esta ley fue aprobada en un intento por controlar la inmigración indocumentada a los Estados Unidos. Seguridad en la frontera aumenta cuando hay más guardias y las patrullas, con la esperanza de atrapar inmigrantes indocumentados que cruzan la frontera. Sin embargo, durante este período de tiempo, los Estados Unidos estaba experimentando un período de expansión. El desempleo era frecuente que se pida más a los mexicanos a emigrar hacia el norte para el trabajo y salarios más altos.

     En noviembre de 1994, California aprobó la Proposición 187. Este fue un intento de terminar con la inmigración ilegal en el estado negando la educación y las prestaciones de servicios públicos a los inmigrantes indocumentados, sin embargo, gran parte de ella fue encontrado más tarde a ser inconstitucional.

     Desde principios de 1900, el Congreso ha seguido para aprobar leyes y restricciones relativas a la inmigración, los inmigrantes indocumentados, y los migrantes que viven y trabajan en los Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, la cantidad de migrantes mexicanos en los Estados Unidos continúa fluctuando en función de factores de ambos países, tales como el desempleo, la inestabilidad política, los excedentes de mano de obra, y otros.

     Aunque la reforma migratoria es un tema candente en la prensa de hoy y en la política de las próximas elecciones de los Estados Unidos, los estudios han demostrado una disminución en la migración mexicana a los Estados Unidos. De acuerdo con cifras de la Patrulla Fronteriza de aprehensión, la inmigración de México a los Estados Unidos se ha reducido por lo menos 40 por ciento desde 2005 y por lo menos un millón de mexicanos fue a los Estados Unidos en 2006, pero unos 636.000 de ellos regresó a su casa dentro de un período de 12 meses. Según un estudio de 2011 por el Pew Hispanic Center, el número de mexicanos cada año dejando a los Estados Unidos de México ha disminuido de un millón a 404.000 en cuatro años.

     Como ha demostrado la historia, y como muchos estudios y las estadísticas muestran hoy en día, los patrones de inmigración fluctúan y cambian con el tiempo dependiendo de diversos factores económicos, sociales y políticos en ambos países. Sin embargo, mientras que la economía de Estados Unidos sigue fallando, la inmigración seguirá siendo un tema popular entre los políticos y los candidatos a los trabajadores migrantes frecuentemente culpado por la falta de puestos de trabajo.

     En 2001, el ley DREAM se propuso, pero no promulgada. Esta ley daría a una residencia temporal de seis años a los extranjeros ilegales que llegaron a los Estados Unidos como menores de edad, se graduaron en las escuelas secundarias de Estados Unidos, vivieron en los Estados Unidos por cinco años consecutivos antes de la promulgación de proyectos de ley, y que terminarían dos años en el ejército o cuatro años en la universidad. Estas personas calificarían para la residencia permanente en función de sus logros en la universidad o en el ejército. Este proyecto de ley sufrió muchos cambios y se convirtió en polémica entre muchos republicanos en Estados Unidos que creían que iba a fomentar la inmigración ilegal o de convertirse en un sistema de importación de mano de obra barata o la contratación de personal militar. Muchos otros creen que son injustas para los extranjeros ilegales que reciben subsidios federales y estatales para asistir a la universidad cuando los ciudadanos estadounidenses deben pagar la matrícula completa. Recientemente en los medios de comunicación, Obama ha recibido críticas por no haber aprobado este proyecto de ley, sino, por el contrario, ha recibido críticas por ser "suave" cuando se trata de la política de inmigración.

     En general, los políticos republicanos recibir críticas por hablar de la migración mexicana en los Estados Unidos como un problema a ser resuelto por la construcción de más fuertes de las fronteras, la creación de más patrullas, minimizando los incentivos para los mexicanos que emigran, y la falta de beneficios para aquellos que actualmente residen ilegalmente en los Estados Unidos. Los demócratas han recibido críticas para incentivar a los mexicanos a migrar al proporcionar ilegales con beneficios similares a los de los ciudadanos estadounidenses. La política de inmigración se han convertido en mucho más controvertido en las últimas décadas y el tema de la inmigración se ha vuelto más común hoy en día entre los políticos. A medida que la economía de los Estados Unidos sigue sufriendo, los estadounidenses siguen buscando al culpable de la caída, con la esperanza de que culpar al culpable conduzcan a la solución de problemas y, finalmente, se compromete a reparar la economía. Sin embargo, hasta la causa se ha resuelto, hasta la política, la economía y el bienestar social de ambos países, mejora, los problemas y controversias con la inmigración va a continuar.

 

 

Citations & Sources:

 

On this website I have found relevant and useful information regarding the process to obtain an immigrant and non-immigrant visa as a Mexican citizen. I learned that a visa is “not a guarantee of entry into the United States” but rather “permission to apply for entry into the United States” which I found very interesting because the visa in itself is an extensive process.
http://mexico.usembassy.gov/visas/non-immigrant-visas.html

 

The Center for Comparatice Immigration Studies

University of California, San Diego

David Spener

October 2005

http://www.ccis-ucsd.org/PUBLICATIONS/wrkg124.pdf

This publication has given me information about the entire process of crossing the borders from Mexico to the US illegally. It focuses a lot on the coyote services, further explaining their purposes, prices, militarization of the border,

Immigration and the Right to Stay Home

By David Bacon
February 02, 2012

This article was assigned for Oliver’s class and I learned a lot of things that I didn’t know about the way migration is viewed by indigenous men and women in Mexico. I am planning to encorporate views from this article into my presentation to show that migration isn’t always a choice but an obligation.
 

United States International Trade Commission. www.usitc.gov. 2002. Web.

Office os the U.S. Trade Representative. www.ustr.gov. 2012. Web.

Council on Foreign Relations. www.cfr.org. 2012. Web.

 

U.S. Department of Homeland Security. www.cbp.gov. 2012. Web

 

National Public Radio. www.npr.org. 2012. Web.

 

America.gov Archive. www.america.gov. 2012. Web.

 

U.S. Department of Agriculture. www.fas.usda.gov. 2012. Web.

 

History of U.S. Immigration Laws and Policies. www.fairus.org. 2012. Web.

 

Immigration Policy Center. www.immigrationpolicy.org. 2012. Web.

 

The Economist Online. Mexican-American Relations: A State of Insecurity. 2011.

 

Patterns of Mexican Migration to the United States. Rodriguez-Scott. 2002.

 

Nytimes.com. Immigration and Emigration. 2012.

 

Nytimes.com. Nafta’s Promise, Unfulfilled. 2009

 

Ribando Seelke, Clare. Mexico-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress. 2010.

 

University of Wisconcin-Stevens Point. Knowlton, Robert J. The Early Influence of The U.S. Constitution. 2010.

 

Baumen, Harriet J. The Mexican-American Influence on the United States. 2009.

 

Seitzinger, Ann Hillberg. The U.S. & Mexico: Interdependence Growing. 1991.

 

Free Trade: As U.S. Corn Flows South, Mexicans Stop Farming. Rodriguez, Heriberto. 2011.

 

Books:

 

Crossing with the Virgin: Stories from the Migrant Tral

By: Ted Parks, Kathryn Ferguson, Norma Price

February 2010

University of Arizona Press

 

 

Interviews:

 

Santa Ana Del Valle: 3 men, 1 woman

San Vicente Lachixio: 2 men 7 women

 

In my most recent interview, I went to Santa Ana Del Valle in Tlacolula, Oaxaca, and spoke with a man named Rómulo, who went to the United States in the mid 80's, when he was in his early 20's, and worked at a Chinese food restaurant in southern California. He only worked there for one year, because his young son was sick at home with only his mother to care for him. He told me of the extreme discrimination he faced everyday, and how he had fear to leave his home for anything other than work. He went by car over the border with a few friends, and had no trouble with gangs or border patrol. He spoke about the lack of human rights for undocumented workers and how that lack of rights is one of his greatest fears. Border patrol officers could easily shoot and kill him or one of his friends and no one would ever find out. He told me of his hopes to go back someday, this time with his wife and son, because there are no jobs in his town and the Mexican peso doesn't have enough value even if he could find a job. His story reiterated the fact that borders and laws aren't going to change illegal migration because the problem lies in the mexican economy, something over which the citizens have no control.

 

In San Vicente Lachixio, I spoke with a boy, around 16 years of age, who told me after graduation he is planning to somehow go to the U.S.. Since obtaining a visa is too costly and difficult for most, the option to go without papers is the only option. He told me that it is common for boys to graduate high school and head north, as they really have no other choice. There are no jobs in their towns and often times no way for them to transport to a city each day or week for work. He told me that often times migrants are more afraid of the organized crime / gangs along the border than the border patrol officers because the gangs will rob and kill migrants, while generally the officers will simply deport them. He told me gangs will also wait for migrants who are walking through the desert, and will threaten them and force them to be drug mules and transport various narcotics across the border. 

 

 

I spoke with one woman and her husband in San Vicente Lachixio who went across the border illegally just one year ago. She even gave birth to her daughter, Erika, while she was living in Salinas, California. Erika, now 2 years old, has dual citizenship and will be able to live in the U.S. someday if she chooses. While every migrant which whom I've spoken has told me that they want to live in their hometown and have no desire to move to the United States, Juana was different. She said that she was not happy in her town, that there was no work and no hope for a future there with her family. Her husband spoke a little bit of english, and was really proud of his home and his family and his accomplishments. He too wanted to go back, and they have a plan to go back when they have enough money.

 

 

In San Vicente, I was also able to talk to a group of women collectively. They had never spoke to a "white" person before, and with Zapotec as their first language, it was often difficult to communicate, but we managed. They told me of the poverty in their town, and how sometimes they don't have any money at all. Every single woman had a husband but none of them were there. Some were a few hours away in Oaxaca city working for the week and returning for the weekend. Some were in the United States working and weren't able to talk to their wives to tell them if they are safe or when they were coming home. Some never do. They asked me questions about where I was from, asking if there were big buildings everywhere, or what kind of jobs the women had versus the men. Several times they would laugh and ask me to bring them when I go home, but something about their faces told me they weren't joking. I really enjoyed speaking with these women, because they seem to always see the hope in their community, even when the future doesn't look so promising.

 

Research Plan:

 

Read a book about migration before February 10.

Read 5 news articles about migration before February 25.

Research migration policy and history in the U.S. before March 03.

Research migration policy and history in Mexico before March 16.

Interview at least 10 people before March 20.

Interview at least one person formally before April 05.

 

So far I've conducted enough interviews and gotten the information I was looking for, but I'm always keeping my eyes out for more people to talk to. I feel that I have learned and researched a lot about migration and the reasons for it. More recently I have been researching the past and current migration policy of Mexico. During my research, I oringinally wasn't concerned with how long I interviewed people or how formally the interviews were conducted, but as I continued interviewing people I decided that I wanted at least one person to formally interview for at least 30 minutes. So, I went to Santa Ana Del Valle last weekend and spoke with a man named Rómulo for 30-60 minutes about his experience traveling to the U.S. I also have read a book with stories about migrants who have traveled from Mexico to the U.S.

 

Reflection:

 

During my project, I originally had difficulty deciding what I was trying to prove or accomplish. I knew that my main goal was to talk to as many people, formally or informally, who have migrated to the United States, were planning on migrating, or were effected by the migration of family or friends. I also knew that I wanted to research the history of migration between Mexico and the United States and research the past and current politics of migration between the two countries. Once I conducted a few interviews, and completed my history research, I realized that I wanted to prove that the current U.S. politics surrounding migration were not going to change the factors that cause Mexicans to migrate. The U.S. Government can continue to build bigger, taller walls, pass more laws, and require more documents, but the forces that drive migrants from their communities and homes every day are stronger than any law or wall or border patrol officer.

 

I was challenged while talking to women in Spanish, as my second language, who spoke Spanish as a second language as well. This was a challenge that I enjoyed, although it was difficult at times and I'm sure some things were lost in translation, it was a barrier and a challenge that I wanted to overcome and experience.

 

I now better understand the politics of migration. Before researching, I was aware that the main force driving migrants from their homes each day was a lack of jobs, but I didn't understand the extent of job scarcity or the true economic obstacles that these people face everyday. I now better understand the history of migration, and find it ironic how when Texas belonged to Mexico, too many American immigrants settled there, and now that Texas is a part of the United States, many migrants settle there or migrate there for work. While the Mexican and U.S. governments signed treaties and made agreements on borders and which states belonged to which countries, the borders truly can't separate the neighboring countries. 

 

Points: 10 

This project, well this whole trip, got me out of my comfort zone. I have done so many things that I was afraid to do or felt like I couldn't do and I am so thankful. I was nervous to conduct interviews by myself. I didn't know what exactly to say at first and I was afraid that I wouldn't be able to convey my feelings or express myself and express my gratitude. Although it was tough I enjoyed every minute of it! I have never in my life done a project about something for which I had so much passion, nor have I done a presentation and actually learned so much in the process.

 

Entonces, I worked hard, learned a lot, and had an awesome time in the process.